In a recent interesting contribution to this platform, Paul Richards rightly questioned the mainstream perception that funerals per se are source of contamination in countries affected by ebola. The author argues that funerals are phenomena which are extremely interrelated to other different aspects of social life, like the overall care of sickness, the concept of authority, and the logic of parenthood. Yet, his brief paper has another value: by stressing the complexity of this social phenomenon, it tunes down the journalistic emphasis that in past months has focused the global attention oo much on traditional funerals performed in the countries hit by the deadly virus. Together with the “bush meat”, the traditional funerals have become one of the main topics of the media coverage related to ebola. Such clamour has produced the effect of framing the discourse about this disease within culturalist categories – such as food or death related practices – minimizing the socio-economic and political aspects of the epidemic.
This briefing summarises the attitudes of Monrovia community leaders and residents towards cremation, mass burials, memorialization, and remembrance ceremonies based on data collected between August – September 2014.
Some attention has been paid to the alleged role of funerals in spreading Ebola Virus Disease in Upper West Africa. This has led to attempts to control funerals, causing both distress and active resistance. Critical examination of the role of the funeral event as a mechanism of Ebola transmission seems in order. In this paper, it is argued that funerals are inseparable from care for the sick, as far as Ebola transmission is concerned. The focal issue then becomes not control of funerals but reduction of Ebola transmission risks in and around final sickness.
Funeral practices in Freetown are varied with differences between typical Muslim and Christian practices. Muslims typically bury the body the same day, or the day after, the death, whereas Christians might wait for up to several weeks while arrangements are made. Muslims normally bury bodies in a shroud, whereas Christians use a coffin. The bodies are typically prepared for burial (washed) by family members. This background paper gives more information on care and burial practices in Urban Sierra Leone.
‘The Ebola epidemic ravaging parts of West Africa is the most severe acute public health emergency seen in modern times. Never before in recorded history has a biosafety level four pathogen infected so many people so quickly, over such a broad geographical area, for so long’ (Margaret Chan, 26th September 2014, WHO).
This report focuses on the local beliefs and practices around illnesses and death, the transmission of disease and spirituality, which affect decision-making around health-seeking behaviour, caring for relatives and the nature of burials. It also considers how this can inform effective behaviour change interventions for preventing Ebola in Sierra Leone. Four key transmission pathways are considered; unsafe burial, not presenting early, care at home and visiting traditional healers.
Indigenous beliefs and responses to Ebola are rarely mentioned and when they are images of ignorance, exoticism and superstition are what prevail (Hewlett and Hewlett 2008).
